{"id":403,"date":"2011-08-17T17:48:50","date_gmt":"2011-08-17T17:48:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/projects.appropriate.is\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/?p=403"},"modified":"2015-01-20T13:21:36","modified_gmt":"2015-01-20T13:21:36","slug":"the-killers-of-karachi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/2011\/08\/17\/the-killers-of-karachi\/","title":{"rendered":"The killers of Karachi"},"content":{"rendered":"<h4 style=\"text-align: center;\">Pakistan: an explosion of violence in the long struggle for control of a polarised commercial capital offers a warning on prospects for the stability of a strategically important nation<\/h4>\n<p>The hitman did not bother to knock. He announced his arrival by firing a volley of shots through Salima Khan\u2019s front door. Bullets ricocheted as she cowered in the kitchen. One of the rounds struck Zainab, her bright-eyed five-year-old, in the arm. A Molotov cocktail shattered and their tiny home began to burn. The family\u2019s crime: belonging to the \u201cwrong\u201d ethnicity. \u201cThey want to kill all the Pashtun,\u201d says Mrs Khan, wiping away tears with her headscarf as she cradles her daughter. \u201cI pray to God there will be peace in Karachi.\u201d The charred body of a rickshaw driver from their Orangi Town neighbourhood was dumped in the street a day after the attack \u2013 a grisly portent that the gunmen will return.<\/p>\n<div class=\"sc-columns third clearfix\">\n<div class=\"col\">\nA slow-burning war for control of one of the great economic engines of south Asia has burst back into life with a ferocity not seen since the mid-1980s, when Pakistan\u2019s army acted to quell clashes on Karachi\u2019s streets.<\/p>\n<p>The killings are the bloody dividends of a long-running struggle between rival political parties with roots in the ethnic Pashtun and Mohajir communities.<\/p>\n<p>This summer, <a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/09201dc6-a95d-11e0-bcc2-00144feabdc0,Authorised=false.html?_i_location=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ft.com%2Fcms%2Fs%2F0%2F09201dc6-a95d-11e0-bcc2-00144feabdc0.html%3Fsiteedition%3Duk&amp;siteedition=uk&amp;_i_referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwebcache.googleusercontent.com%2Fsearch%3Fq%3Dcache%3AaLsJ8gEvNRQJ%3Awww.ft.com%2Fcms%2Fs%2F0%2Fb520d928-c80f-11e0-9501-00144feabdc0.html%2B%26cd%3D1%26hl%3Den%26ct%3Dclnk%26gl%3Duk#axzz1V0q4fe1q\"> the violence has hit new heights<\/a>. Shootings and grenade attacks in labyrinthine slums and hillside shanty towns claimed more than 300 lives in July, one of the worst monthly tolls on record.<\/p>\n<p>The deaths took the total killed in Karachi this year to more than 800, according to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, a non-governmental organisation.<\/p>\n<p>New murders occur daily. <a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/12bc94ee-a199-11df-9656-00144feabdc0,Authorised=false.html?_i_location=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ft.com%2Fcms%2Fs%2F0%2F12bc94ee-a199-11df-9656-00144feabdc0.html%3Fsiteedition%3Duk&amp;siteedition=uk&amp;_i_referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwebcache.googleusercontent.com%2Fsearch%3Fq%3Dcache%3AaLsJ8gEvNRQJ%3Awww.ft.com%2Fcms%2Fs%2F0%2Fb520d928-c80f-11e0-9501-00144feabdc0.html%2B%26cd%3D1%26hl%3Den%26ct%3Dclnk%26gl%3Duk#axzz1V0q4fe1q\">Asif Ali Zardari<\/a>, the unpopular president, has proved powerless to pacify the country\u2019s biggest city \u2013 the heart of its $160bn economy, the seat of its stock exchange and the home of an important Arabian Sea port.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\nRehman Malik, the interior minister, earned widespread ridicule when he played down the significance of the mayhem by suggesting 70 per cent of the murders were committed by angry girlfriends or wives. In fact, the violence is a warning light for long-term prospects for stability in a country whose fate may have grave security implications for the west.<\/p>\n<p>US and European concerns centre on Pakistan\u2019s murky role in Afghanistan, its army\u2019s ambiguous relationship with Islamist militants and the security of its nuclear arsenal. The risks posed by this volatile mix were highlighted in May when US Navy Seals assassinated Osama bin Laden, the al-Qaeda founder, who was hiding less than a mile from Pakistan\u2019s military academy. Karachi\u2019s politically instigated killings may seem parochial by comparison but they are a symptom of deeper conflicts that may ultimately play a greater role in shaping Pakistan\u2019s destiny.<\/p>\n<p>Like no other city, Karachi distils the mix of gun politics, ethnic tensions, sectarian strife, state weakness, militancy and organised crime that makes the whole country so fragile.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\n<div style=\"width: 336px; height: 455px; overflow: hidden;\">\n<iframe loading=\"lazy\" style=\"margin-left: -10px;\" width=\"370\" height=\"592\" src=\"\/\/e.issuu.com\/embed.html#9843580\/6342754\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"sc-columns two-thirds-and-third clearfix\">\n<div class=\"col\">\n<div id=\"attachment_418\" style=\"width: 941px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-418\" class=\"size-full wp-image-418\" alt=\"Street strife: police keep watch in an area of Karachi in June amid tensions between the two main political and ethnic  groupings. Those form the chief cause of friction in what is a relatively liberal and secular city. Source: Eyevine\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi1.jpg?resize=931%2C632\" width=\"931\" height=\"632\" srcset=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi1.jpg?w=931&amp;ssl=1 931w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi1.jpg?resize=300%2C203&amp;ssl=1 300w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi1.jpg?resize=600%2C407&amp;ssl=1 600w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi1.jpg?resize=854%2C580&amp;ssl=1 854w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 931px) 100vw, 931px\" \/><p id=\"caption-attachment-418\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Street strife: police keep watch in an area of Karachi in June amid tensions between the two main political and ethnic groupings. Those form the chief cause of friction in what is a relatively liberal and secular city. Source: Eyevine<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\nIt is these trends that will determine whether Pakistan\u2019s hesitant journey from military rule to a semblance of democracy will deliver greater stability or deeper fragmentation.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWe are not evolving into nationhood. We\u2019re breaking up into ethnic groupings,\u201d says Amber Alibhai, secretary-general of Shehri, a pressure group that campaigns against rampant land-grabbing in the city. \u201cThe social contract between the citizens among themselves and between the state has been destroyed.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Karachi was born on an unprepossessing mudflat in the Indus river civilisation then known as Sindh. Over the centuries, swirling currents of migration have washed in ancestors of virtually every Pakistani community. But it is the explosive demography of the past 50 years that has created today\u2019s pressure cooker. Karachi\u2019s population, 450,000 people at independence in 1947, is now estimated at as many as 18m.<\/p>\n<p>Although it has long bubbled with ethnic and sectarian tension, it has a reputation as one of the country\u2019s more liberal, secular cities. Karachi has, however, suffered its share of militant attacks \u2013 including a spectacular raid on a naval base launched in retaliation for bin Laden\u2019s death.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"sc-columns third clearfix\">\n<div class=\"col\">\nThe clearest narrative in the present tangle of troubles is a variant of the age-old struggle between incumbent and challenger. Battle lines in city politics are marked by flags strung from lamp posts and mobile phone masts, staking the contenders\u2019 territory.<\/p>\n<p>Fluttering banners in red, white and green belong to the incumbent \u2013 the Muttahida Quami Movement, the city\u2019s dominant political force.<\/p>\n<p>The MQM draws the core of its support from the Mohajir, descendants of Urdu-speaking migrants who flooded in from India during Pakistan\u2019s birth pangs and formed the nucleus of an aspiring middle class. The party\u2019s strength is reflected in the Sindh provincial assembly, where it occupies 28 of Karachi\u2019s 33 seats.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\nCrimson flags flying across poorer neighbourhoods belong to the challenger \u2013 the Awami National party. The ANP draws the bulk of its support from a growing influx of Pashtun migrants from north-western regions bordering Afghanistan. Many work as labourers, security guards or drive multicoloured buses emblazoned with dazzling mandalas, peacocks and lions.<\/p>\n<p>Complicating the picture further, Mr Zardari\u2019s ruling Pakistan Peoples party has its roots in Sindh. To shore up his majority in Islamabad, the president is constantly embroiled with his Karachi rivals in revolving-door coalition politics.<\/p>\n<p>The latest wave of killings erupted last month after the MQM quit Mr Zardari\u2019s coalition.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\n<blockquote><p>We need the nod from the government to start looking for the people who are behind the targeted killings<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p style=\"text-align: right; font-style: italic;\"><strong>security official<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Violence has tended to spike in the city when the party is in opposition in the capital, which underscores its relevance on the national stage. As always, each party accused the other of igniting the tinderbox.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"sc-columns two-thirds-and-third clearfix\">\n<div class=\"col\">\n<img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-430\" alt=\"Karachi2\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi2.jpg?resize=1050%2C443\" width=\"1050\" height=\"443\" srcset=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi2.jpg?w=1115&amp;ssl=1 1115w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi2.jpg?resize=300%2C126&amp;ssl=1 300w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi2.jpg?resize=1024%2C431&amp;ssl=1 1024w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi2.jpg?resize=600%2C252&amp;ssl=1 600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1050px) 100vw, 1050px\" \/><br \/>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\n<div class=\"sc-separator type-thin\"><\/div>\nIn a country facing a rising tide of Islamic extremism, the MQM sees itself as a bastion of secular, middle-class values \u2013 pointing proudly to its record in bolstering crumbling infrastructure. \u201cOur five years of development work are more than what people have done in 55 years in Karachi,\u201d says Mustafa Kamal, who won plaudits while serving as mayor from 2005 to 2010.<\/p>\n<p>But critics believe the party is inextricably linked with the violence. Murders of activists from all sides began to increase sharply in May 2007 and rose rapidly after 2008 national elections, when the ANP won its first two city seats. Many believe the MQM is determined to prevent the upstart gaining a foothold.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"sc-columns third clearfix\">\n<div class=\"col\">\nThe brutal spasms have acquired a self-reinforcing quality. The more fear people feel, the more they turn to parties for protection and the more powerful their leaders become. Killings are no longer confined to party activists: simply being Pashtun or Mohajir is enough. Commuters, taxi drivers and shopkeepers are all considered fair game. The ethnic Baluch community and other minorities are being sucked in.<\/p>\n<p>Bullet holes puncturing shop shutters in the ANP-dominated Qasbar district in Orangi Town bear witness to recent killings. Mohammed Ali, a burly, thickly bearded property dealer, is scared to enter an MQM stronghold a few minutes\u2019 walk away. \u201cThey\u2019d take a shotgun and \u2013 bang, bang \u2013 they\u2019d kill us because we are Pashtun,\u201d he says.<\/p>\n<p>Similar fears haunt the Mohajir. Malik Mohammed Jamil, a car-parts dealer, says he lost five relatives when gunmen stormed the market housing their shop last year \u2013 an attack blamed on Baluch militants. Dozens of traders have since applied for gun licences. \u201cThis kind of thing has made us feel as if we\u2019re not citizens of Pakistan,\u201d he says. \u201cThe country has been carved up between Punjabis, Sindhis and Pashtuns.\u201d<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\nWith the state unable even to provide reliable electricity, expectations for justice are low. Outgunned and undermanned, the police are afraid to arrest assassins protected by powerful politicians. \u201cWe need the nod from the government to start looking for the people who are behind the targeted killings,\u201d says a security official. \u201cWe\u2019re not getting it.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Those who speak out risk being silenced. Nisar Baloch, who led a campaign to stop a cartel of illegal land-grabbers encroaching on a park, was shot in 2008 while going to buy a newspaper to read an account of a press conference he had given. At his modest home, where his brooding face stares from a larger-than-life portrait, Bahar Nooruddin, his sister, condemns Pakistan\u2019s politicians. \u201cThey know everything that\u2019s going on but they don\u2019t want to act.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The government response to the current outbreak has a repetitive feel. As usual, Islamabad has ordered paramilitary rangers to sweep neighbourhoods in search of perpetrators. Talks have been held with city politicians. Rewards have been offered for mobile phone pictures of suspects. But most believe it is only a matter of time before the next bout of killing.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col\">\n<blockquote><p>They chop the bodies into pieces and put them in sacks and throw them in the street<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p style=\"text-align: right; font-style: italic;\"><strong>Seemin Jamali<\/strong><br \/>\nmanages the casualty ward at a Karachi hospital<\/p>\n<p>There is another side to Karachi. \u201cSay goodbye to split ends in 14 days\u201d promise banners advertising Pantene shampoo, appealing to a growing middle class. Well-heeled diners pay Rs300 ($3.50) to enter the eateries at the new Port Grand mall, developed on a forgotten patch of seafront. Bloodshed may shut shops for a day but the city never pauses for long.<\/p>\n<p>Such resilience is the city\u2019s greatest asset. The question is whether its wells of tolerance run as deep. A unified, thriving Karachi would be a beacon of hope for a more peaceful Pakistan. For now, the chasms dividing the city, and the country, grow a little deeper with each freshly dug grave.<br \/>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Pakistan: an explosion of violence in the long struggle for control of a polarised commercial capital offers a warning on prospects for the stability&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":418,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":false,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2},"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[6,4,3,7],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-403","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-financial-times","category-pakistan","category-south-asia","category-stories"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/12\/Karachi1.jpg?fit=931%2C632&ssl=1","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p4ilu4-6v","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/403","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=403"}],"version-history":[{"count":44,"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/403\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":883,"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/403\/revisions\/883"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/418"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=403"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=403"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/matthewgreenjournalism.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=403"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}